A DISTORTED EXPRESSION OF HAITI’S HISTORICAL MISSION.

By: Rasin Ganga

Part 1 of 2

“Memory in service of struggles

196 years ago, on July 2, 1822, Denmark Vesey, leader of a slave revolt, was hanged in South Carolina. Purchased in 1781 by Captain Joseph Vesey, he bought his freedom in 1799 after he won $1,500 in a lottery. However, his wife remained ensled.

He then established a branch of the African Methodist Church, where his sermons served as a powerful anti-slavery serum, calling on the faithful to resist. Gradually, he organized the conditions for a large-scale revolt scheduled to take place on July 14, 1822. The insurgents aimed to forcefully liberate hundreds of slaves and join Haiti, symbol of freedom for all racialized captive people. Weapons began to be stored and training in their use was put in place.

Betrayed, he is arrested with 130 of his comrades; 67 of them sentenced. He is hanged with 34 other insurgents and becomes a symbol of resistance against European colonialism.

During the Civil War, the black regiments that fought against the Confederate armies (186,097 black soldiers forming 163 military units) chose his name as rallying cry. A statue commemorating his memory has been in place in Charleston since 2014”.

More than his predecessors, the question of international recognition of the Black State of Haiti will be at the center of Boyer’s presidency, whose long stability allows for a certain strategic continuity, favorable to the inclusion of his agenda. The unification of the country resulting from its often brutal pacification through the repression of the last pockets of resistance to the bloody coup d’état of 1806 projects an image more in line with the standard of ‘civilization’ advocated by the racist normative framework of the time. The undeniable success achieved by the almost peaceful integration of the eastern part firmly anchors the Boyer administration, regardless of what history may reproach him, in line with the founding fathers’ vision of the indivisibility of the Quisqueya Island, while consolidating its stature as a political entity, if not even respected, at least not marginal. However, the thorny question of international recognition of the État Affranchi remains, as well as the growing threat of a ‘French offensive comeback’. This is where Boyer’s political ingenuity unfolds, in agreement with the pro-American doctrinal foundation of the foreign policy defined by the Heroes of Independence. Indeed, contrary to what the common perception tends to present, which portrays him exclusively as a staunch Francophile, Boyer attempted to establish closer ties with the great neighbor to the North in his quest for international recognition. Despite efforts deployed in this regard, neither Christophe nor Pétion had succeeded in obtaining acceptance of our international sovereignty. Rather than turning solely to Great Britain (Christophe) or France (Pétion), Boyer sought to secure recognition from the United States, a strategy that, according to him, would help him succeed where his predecessors had failed. Especially since the revengeful intentions of the former metropolis were becoming increasingly burdensome. In 1824, there was indeed a dangerous phase of rupture in negotiations with France, which risked tipping off the balance of any hope for recognition. Furthermore, Boyer experienced another major setback in the refusal of Gran Colombia to respond positively to his proposal for a strategic defensive alliance. He preferred to financially repay the invaluable assistance provided by Haiti in its struggle for liberation instead of honoring the principle of Latin American solidarity, which is indelibly engraved there. Once again, the ethno-cultural factor prevailed over universal principles, to the detriment of the only black republic in the supremacist world order. Alignment with the United States thus becomes a true imperative, almost existential in nature.

BOYER’S DUAL OBJECTIVE AND DUAL STRATEGY.

This policy aimed at several correlated objectives:

– The international recognition of Haiti

– The resolution of the country’s chronic demographic deficit problem, following the loss of half of the population due to the extermination war waged by Napoleon.

– Reducing the importance of the army in the national budget

– And thereby diminishing the power of former generals within the ruling class alliance.

Indeed, this policy cannot be understood without considering both the internal contradictions within the intermediate categories and the external contradictions between the entire nation and the global order.

DIPLOMACY OF THE CIVIL SOCIETY OR SOFT POWER.

To achieve these objectives, Boyer initiated a dual-track diplomatic strategy. On one hand, he advocated for the United States government to establish formal diplomatic relations by providing them with exclusive commercial and economic benefits. On the other hand, he initiated a form of civil society diplomacy, primarily focused on welcoming African American immigrants into the country. He also reached out to merchants and manufacturers in the Northeast of America, recognizing their significance as potential allies. Boyer offered enticing trade concessions and the prospect of substantial profits. The symbolic image of Haiti as a land of freedom for Black people is thereby strengthened, while simultaneously being seen as a practical outlet for populations of non-European descent who are deemed undesirable. He leveraged the increasing economic reliance of American manufacturers and traders, particularly in the Northern states, on exporting goods to the Caribbean as a key factor in his bid for recognition. This strategy resulted in cultivating positive public sentiment for a multitude of reasons throughout all strata of American society. Indeed, this policy of opening the country to Afro-descendants aligns with the constitutional provisions at the core of the Haitian nation. It came at an extremely challenging time for black individuals in the United States. Caught between a rock and a hard place, slavery in the South and racist harassment in the North, they were, so to speak, left to the generous actions of a few philanthropic organizations. The alternative was either to languish in humiliation or to leave the United States. A convergence of perspectives brought together their white critics and benefactors of all backgrounds. During the founding era of Liberia, it served as a place of ‘return’ and settlement for those Afro-descendants whom America rejected, relegating them to a state of servitude. It stood as the sole haven of freedom for the wretched of the earth in this new world struggling to come into being, being the Republic of ex-slaves breaking free from chains, marginalized, and yearning for international recognition. The approach of Haitian diplomacy will therefore be to seize this exceptional moment to address this dual dilemma, in line with what the Haitian imagination conceives as the historical mission of the nation. The conclusion of President Boyer’s response to Dewey’s  seven-point request is in this respect quite eloquent. He indeed decided to send funds and a representative to New York, who would mediate with the colonization society and facilitate the emigration to Haiti of Africans wishing to move to Haiti. He added this consideration, which was intended to resonate with the citizens of the United States: “that by attracting this population to Haiti, it would be a means to enhance the relations between the two countries and increase trade between the two peoples.”

In “Carribean Crossing”, Fanning summarizes Boyer’s policy as follows: “Boyer synthesized the immigration policies of his two predecessors.” The 1820s proved to be a challenging period economically and socially for African Americans residing in the United States. It was also a decade during which activists diligently pursued anti-slavery goals aimed at emancipating enslaved Americans rather than merely advocating the concept. Boyer capitalized on these struggles by offering free passage, free land, and favorable incentives. His commitment stemmed from the belief that if a sufficient number of African Americans settled on the island – first free Blacks and eventually liberated slaves from the South – he could hope for, or even demand, American recognition of Haiti.

INTERNAL POLITICAL DIVIDENDS

From a strictly political perspective, this approach enables Boyer to enhance his reputation and bolster his credibility in the black community. This is particularly crucial at a time when he is under suspicion of being too accommodating towards the former colonial power, potentially betraying the national ethos. By positioning himself as a champion of the Afro-descendant cause, advocating for the cause of Afro descendants helps to counterbalance le mulatrisme supremacy that oppressed the majority of newly freed black individuals.His assertion, “You will be convinced that I have prepared for the sons of Africa coming from the United States everything that could ensure them an honorable existence by becoming citizens of the Haitian Republic,” serves as a response to Dewey’s letter, echoing faintly with an expiatory tone reminiscent of the renowned American philanthropist advocating for Black immigration.

Beaubrun Ardoin’s study on the history of Haiti, Volume 9, pages 267-332, delves into Dessalines’ interrogation, which incurred the wrath of the liberated slaves, as well as “…the poor blacks whose fathers are in Africa?…”

Part 1 of 2