The following is the English translation of a Jun. 6 communiqué sent to the press by the High Command of the Dessalinien Army of National Liberation.

On June 2 at 1 a.m., the Northern Front of the Dessalinien Army of National Liberation (ADLN) occupied the northern town of Borgne just as it did the northern town of Plaisance in February. Four policemen stationed in the town’s police station surrendered when so ordered by the commander of the ADLN’s assault team. They realized the town and the police station were truly captured. Those policemen were not mistreated in any way even though they were afraid for their lives. They even offered the ADLN guerrillas the money and jewelry they had, but we did not accept those things. We confiscated one pair of military boots, two .38 caliber pistols, one 9mm pistol, two homemade pistols, a 12-gauge shotgun and a bullet-proof vest. Those weapons will now serve to defend the dignity of the Haitian people.

The ADLN’s High Command takes this opportunity once again to tell all the Haitian police to give up whenever they come under an ADLN attack just as the policemen in Borgne did with discipline. It is in their interest to desert all the police stations in the country. They will return to serve as police when national sovereignty is re-established.

Whenever the Haitian National Police meet with the ADLN, if the police conduct themselves badly, they will without question become victims. The ADLN’s mission is to rid the country of all military forces, both foreign and indigenous, which defend the subservient criminal regime now raping state power.

Haiti’s liberation war has already begun. The ADLN will fight until the final victory, just as Dessalines did.

by the Haiti Information Project

On June 11, Special Representative and Head of the U.N. Mission in Haiti Juan Gabriel Valdes, made a statement on Haitian radio stations declaring he had lived through the Pinochet dictatorship and, "compared to that experience, there is no political persecution in Haiti." Although his comment was broadcast throughout Haiti's capital, it was ridiculous enough to be ignored by the mainstream international media. More ominously, Valdes’ comments mirror those of Haiti's traditional economic and political elites, the very forces that are working to close the door on national reconciliation and to exclude Aristide's Lavalas Family party from participating in upcoming elections. His words also represent a dangerous shift in U.N. policy in Haiti following what appeared to be a period where the daily reality of political repression against Lavalas supporters was acknowledged.

For a short time there was hope that the U.N. was serious about checking the rabid hatred of Haiti's elites towards Lavalas and addressing the human rights violations of the Haitian police. The commander of U.N. forces in Haiti, Brazilian Lt. Gen. Augusto Heleno Ribeiro, protested after the Haitian police fired on a peaceful demonstration by supporters of ousted president Jean-Bertrand Aristide on Feb. 28. According to the Associated Press (AP), Ribeiro said on Mar. 1 that "police killings had poisoned an atmosphere that peacekeepers had been working to improve for two months." Ribeiro continued: "But police went there and killed six people on Friday ... now we're being received with a completely different attitude." On Mar. 4, Valdes was quoted in the Miami Herald as saying: "We cannot tolerate executions. We can't tolerate shooting out of control. We will not permit human rights abuses." According to the Herald, Valdes also promised that "U.N. peacekeepers will intervene -- and use force if necessary -- if Haitian police attack unarmed civilians again."

After the police killings of Feb. 28, the U.N. reacted by barring the Haitian police from security duties during demonstrations the following week. This U.N. policy was short-lived as interim Justice Minister Bernard Gousse [who resigned on Jun. 14 - ed.] claimed that the limits placed on the police by the U.N. were illegal and usurped the rights of the Haitian state. The U.N. backed down to the pressure and allowed the Haitian police to resume the killing during another peaceful demonstration on Apr. 27. This attack prompted another outcry by human rights organizations and finally forced U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan to echo their demands for an official investigation. The U.S.-installed government of Gérard Latortue dismissed the allegations and the statements of Ribeiro, Valdes and Annan despite video footage taken by a local television station confirming the unprovoked attacks. The footage also showed Haitian policemen planting guns on corpses to justify the Apr. 27 slayings.

Valdes reportedly asked Leslie Voltaire, a former official in Aristide's administration before his ouster, about the existence of this video footage. According to Voltaire, Valdes was not even aware that the footage had been broadcast several times on a local television station. "He didn't even know that the television station existed," Voltaire said. Since then, Valdes and the U.N. have completely ignored the evidence of extra-judicial killings committed by the Haitian police and have failed to launch an investigation.

The U.N.'s failure to hold the police accountable sent a clear message throughout Haiti that impunity for crimes committed by the Haitian police would be tolerated. This message set the tone and context for the recent wave of kidnappings and violence plaguing Port-au-Prince. It also served to confirm for Lavalas supporters that the U.N. was itself complicit in the killings, especially after its military forces were seen resuming collaboration with the police in subsequent deadly raids against the capital’s poor neighborhoods.

Since the police were not held accountable, the only thing lacking was an official justification for the U.N.'s continuing collaboration with the police and its turning of a blind-eye to their human rights record. On May 27, this justification was provided by the Haitian elite and delivered by the President of the Haitian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Dr. Reginald Boulos. During this meeting between the business community and Haiti's Chief of Police Léon Charles, Boulos demanded the Latortue government allow the business community to form their own private security firms and arm them with automatic weapons. This was clearly a demand to legalize the business community's own private militias to kill what Boulos, and others in his circle, have referred to as "Lavalas bandits." Boulos also suggested the Latortue regime allow businesses to withhold taxes for one month and use the money to buy more powerful weapons for the police on the international market. These statements served the dual purpose of pressuring the U.N. with the prospect of government-sanctioned private militias killing off Lavalas supporters while providing another pretext for the Bush administration to lift the 14 year-old arms embargo against Haiti. "If they don't allow us to do this then we'll take on own initiative and do it anyway," Boulos threatened.

Following Boulos’ statements, Chief of Police Léon Charles addressed the business leaders and further politicized the issue of violence and insecurity, casting it as a "war against urban guerillas" bent on destabilizing the Haitian government. Without saying Lavalas, Charles used the code word that has come to describe Aristide's political party among Haiti's entrenched elites: "bandits."

In the days following May 27, other members of Haiti's business elite began to criticize the U.N. for being too soft on the "bandits," demanding they take harsher action. Industrialist and virulent Aristide opponent, Charles Henry Baker, took to the airwaves on May 30 and pushed it one step further by accusing U.N. forces of providing protection to the "bandits."

"Yesterday morning, when I saw MINUSTAH [UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti] troops positioned on the Airport Road, I told myself we were in big trouble,” Baker stated on Radio Métropole, “because the presence of MINUSTAH troops is, I believe, a form of protection for the armed bandits and nothing more. The bandits are indeed at work in these places. As for the police [pause] and as for the MINUSTAH troops, once they hear shooting, they just get inside their tanks for protection and do nothing. Meanwhile, the bandits do whatever they want."

The Haitian elite’s pressure campaign reached critical mass when the U.N. and the Haitian police launch a major offensive against the poor neighborhood of Cité Soleil on the morning of May 31. According to residents, the U.N. and the police entered the area and began shooting indiscriminately in the street and at homes without provocation. Elie Theodore was running from the gunfire when a bullet struck him in the back of the head. He did not die instantly and writhed in pain as blood and brains flowed out of the back of his head. Solange Emitide ran for cover into her house and hid under the bed when two bullets struck her in the back. Solange managed to crawl out to the front of her house where she died in a puddle of her own blood. Panicked children fled their schools to return home through plumes of black smoke as automatic weapons fire hit propane tanks used for cooking and set several buildings ablaze. None of this received any mention on Haitian radio stations in the capital or in subsequent reports filed by the international press. What did catch their attention was an attack by unidentified gunmen on a large market on the outskirts of Cité Soleil called Marché Tête Boeuf. Several people were burned to death in the market after the same gunmen reportedly threw Molotov cocktails, setting the structure ablaze.

The next day the Haitian elite, echoed in the international press, accused the now infamous "Lavalas bandits" of striking again. The rhetoric calling for U.N. military actions against the poor neighborhoods intensified in the Haitian press as accusations of human rights abuses by the Haitian police are conveniently forgotten.

Ironically, on the same day, Sanel Joseph was laid to rest in a funeral conducted by Father Gérard Jean-Juste in Cité Soleil. Following another peaceful Lavalas demonstration on May 18, the Haitian police gunned down Joseph as he returned home. During the homily Jean-Juste declared: "Sanel died standing up for the Haitian constitution. He believed in the law but now the law has been turned against the poor and those who stand for justice. There is no justice in Haiti today!"

On June 3, the Haitian police began a four-day operation against the population in the neighborhood of Bel Air. Journalists entering the neighborhood were shown huge pools of blood where victims were reportedly shot without warning and residents indicated that more than 30 people were killed during the police raids. More than 12 homes were reportedly burned to the ground in what many human rights observers described as a "scorched earth" policy of the Haitian police. Residents also reported being unable to flee indiscriminate shooting by the police without running into roadblocks and checkpoints set up by U.N. forces surrounding the area. Many complained of arbitrary arrests of relatives by U.N. forces collaborating with the Haitian police as they tried to escape the gunfire.

The U.N.-backed raids and killings in Bel Air, meant to assuage Haiti's elite, were apparently not enough to insure compliance with U.S. policymakers’ plans. On June 5, the Washington Post reported that the "U.S. Embassy in Haiti had recommended sending a small force of U.S. Marines to secure elections scheduled for October and November." Michel Brunache, Haiti's de facto Cabinet chief, responded in a June 6 AP report: "We hope the U.S. government will move quickly with any plans because the situation is very grave, and 1,000 Marines would make a difference."

The U.S. government also announced on June 8 that it plans to lift its arms embargo against Haiti. During a ceremony where the U.S. Embassy donated $2.6 million worth of equipment to the Haitian police, U.S. Ambassador James B. Foley stated: "Those weapons are a very important element in the capacity of the Haitian police to ensure security." To emphasize the U.S. policy of further militarizing Haiti's police, US assistant secretary for State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Roger Noriega arrived in Haiti the same day. Echoing Haiti's elite, Noriega told to the international press: "We regard it as extremely important that the United Nations take the necessary measures to fulfill their mandate." Without considering the death toll in Bel Air prior to his visit, Noriega continued: "It is urgent that they respond to the wave of violence and to the insecurity to assure the Haitian people that they are safe."

The international community and the U.N. forces are supposedly on the ground in Haiti to prepare for new elections and to "restore democracy." Given the tremendous human tragedy left in the wake of the overthrow of Aristide, elections are the only process left to legitimize the carnage. The U.N. is hostage to Haiti's ultra-reactionary elite and a U.S. foreign policy that dictates that elections can only be held if violence is eradicated by military force and more guns. Any attempt to address the underlying causes of violence in Haiti today is inconvenient because it means recognizing the political repression of the Lavalas. It means confessing that the Haitian police have been given a carte blanche to kill peaceful demonstrators with impunity. It means recognizing the plight of Lavalas political prisoners being held without charges in Haitian jails. It means admitting that Haiti's largest political party is justified in not participating in the next elections. It means admitting that Juan Gabriel Valdes is lying and knows better when he says, "there is no political persecution in Haiti."

The Haiti Information Project (HIP) is a non-profit alternative news service providing coverage and analysis of breaking developments in Haiti.

by Doumic Romain

In 2003, while filming a documentary on Haitian music during the 10th Annual Rasin Festival at Miami’s Bayfront Park, I was assaulted, falsely arrested, tormented, ridiculed, humiliated, tortured, brutalized and terrorized by Miami police Haitian officer Stanley Jean Poix (Badge #3486) and Paul Andre Noel (Badge #5471). The state of Florida, falsely prosecuted me, charging me with disorderly conduct and resisting arrest without violence. I did not act in any disorderly manner and I fully complied with the police.

These charges were dismissed. Nevertheless, my rights were violated, and I brought the matter to the attention of the Miami Police Department and the Internal Affairs Division. It was covered up.

What occurred during that evening of my beating is as follows:

As I approached the side of the stage, I was stopped by Police Officer Stanley Jean Poix and asked for a pass. I had on my staff T-shirt and a staff wristband, which gave me access to the area. Before I even had a chance to show him my wristband, Jean Poix, slammed his hand on my chest, grabbed me, and threatened me with arrest. He finally let me go because Rodney Noel of Noel and Cecibon Productions, one of the co-promoters of the concert, intervened.

I left the area and then attempted to file a complaint with his superiors. I spoke to Police Officer Fuertes, who was posted by the beverage tent. He radioed his superiors backstage. Officer Fuertes informed me that he could not leave his post to escort me backstage and that I should speak to Lieutenant or Sergeant Harris who was in charge. I then went to the side of the stage to get Officer Jean Poix's badge number.

While on the staircase, below the stage, attempting to obtain the badge number, I was again assaulted by Jean Poix and then arrested. I raised my hands up in the air and surrendered so that the police could not say that I resisted arrest or shoot me after saying I pulled a shiny object out of my pocket …

Officer Jean Poix threw me to the ground, and at least six Miami police officers jumped on me. Knees were placed on my back and head, my arms were twisted, and I was arrested for disorderly conduct and resisting arrest without violence.

After my arrest, I was thrown to the ground. They sat me in a puddle of water backstage. While in custody, Officer Jean Poix began to laugh at me, ridiculed me, and stated “since you wanted my badge number, now you have it and you will also spend a night in jail.”

Then he said: "You wanted to be a big man. Look at you now. All the girls saw you being arrested and thrown on the floor."

Police Officer Paul Andre Noel: “You’re lucky that we did not use the taser gun on you."

Police Officer Jean Poix to Police Officer Paul Noel: "He thinks he is a big man; he told the people out there to film what was happening to him."

Police Officer Jean Poix to me: “What were you going to do with that badge number? You want to give me trouble?”

Police Officer Paul Noel: "We know what he was going to do with that number - now you have it."

Jean Poix and Paul Andre Noel were gloating about my mistreatment. I told Jean Poix that the handcuffs were too tight; he made them tighter and began laughing. They refused to let me go to the bathroom. I sat with my hands behind my back on a wet floor in an agonizingly awkward and painful position for approximately two and a half hours. I repeated my request to loosen the handcuffs. They just laughed and ignored me.

To further humiliate me, they forced me to sit handcuffed on the wet floor backstage in view of all media, VIPs, and performers whom I had previously interviewed for my documentary. Performers, their entourages, and other police were inquiring about the reasons for my arrest and Jean Poix began to fabricate a story to further embarrass me. This is what I had to endure instead of being taken to a squad car.

On my way to the police car, another police officer of Haitian descent said: "I don’t understand why you talk back to the Police, this democracy thing… if you were in Haiti, you would be killed if you talked back to the Police". Jean Poix stated that someone told him I had stolen the staff shirt and wristband that I was wearing. He also claimed to be "the best cop in Little Haiti” and said he would “tell the judge exactly what happened."

In court, Jean Poix concocted a bizarre story to justify violating my civil rights. He claimed that he had asked me to leave the stage on multiple occasions, and that I had refused.

This was a total fabrication, and at no time did Jean Poix ever ask me to leave. Jean Poix asked me for a pass. I had a wrist band pass and a staff shirt on. Jean Poix also stated that I refused to put my hands behind my back when I ordered to do so. I fully complied with the police order. A witness told judge Karen Francis Mills that I had my hands the air and was thrown to the ground and arrested.

On March 29, 2004, outside judge Mills’ courtroom, Jean Poix threatened me and tried to pin me against the wall. He walked up very close to me in a very threatening manner and arrogantly asked: "What's up?"

On September 7, 2004 between the hours of 12:00 noon and 1:00 PM, on the second floor of the Miami Dade County Court Justice Building at 1351 NW 12th Avenue, while waiting for the elevator to go to the lobby of the court house, Jean Poix walked towards me several times, looking at me as if he wanted to make sure that I knew that he recognized me.

After he made eye contact with me, he started to observe me, approaching me very menacingly. While holding his gun, he invaded my personal space, made body contact with me and asked if I had a problem. "No," I responded. He stated sarcastically "I didn’t think so," and then walked away.

I reported these incidents to the Miami Police Internal Affairs Division. Sergeant Jose Gonzalez visited my home unannounced and left his card. When I called him, he told me the case was closed as unsupported. He promised to return my call. I reported these incidents to the Civilian Investigative Panel (CIP #04-032). They claim they are looking into it.

I wrote several letters to Police Chief Timoney and Major Cadavid requesting a written disposition of the case (IA case #04-283S) and the basis for their decision. Finally, Major Cadavid of Internal Affairs sent me a letter saying he wanted to discuss the case. I sent him a set of questions to facilitate the discussion. I have not heard from him since.

As an African, as a Haitian American citizen, everyday I live with American hypocrisy. I witnessed and have been victimized by American judicial charades. If America is truly based on the rule of law and transparency, then why do those who label Abu Ghraib as an isolated incident and an aberration remain silent about the injustices of the criminal justice/industrial complex and rogue members of the American law enforcement apparatus.

How can Haitians in Haiti and the Haitian diaspora trust officials and officers of the American state who profess to protect and serve the citizenry, but in fact systematically brutalize, torture, abuse, and terrorize them, violating their civil and human rights and maliciously criminalizing them with impunity.

Miami Mayor Manny Diaz, Governor Jeb Bush, and President Bush claim to be concerned about the welfare of Haitians and human rights in Haiti, but not in Florida.

If the Miami Police department cannot conduct a legitimate and transparent investigation into a complaint of false arrest, brutality, torture and intimidation by a Haitian American citizen in Miami, how can we trust these Haitian-American officers to act professionally in Haiti?