From
Low-Intensity Warfare
to
Low-Intensity Occupation
Some time before Mar. 31, a new mission of the Organization of American
States (OAS) to "reinforce democracy in Haiti" is due to arrive
in Haiti (see Haïti Progrès,
Vol. 19, No. 51, 3/6/2002).
This mission, agreed to Mar. 1 by Foreign Minister Joseph Antonio (but
never ratified by the Parliament as constitutionally required), is being
sold to the public as an effort to investigate the events of Dec. 17, 2001,
when a 30-man armed commando seized the National Palace for several hours
in an ill-timed assassination attempt against President Jean-Bertrand Aristide,
killing two policemen and sparking pro-government mobs to ransack and burn
several opposition headquarters and homes (see Haïti
Progrès, Vol. 19 No. 40, 12/19/2001).
In reality, the accord governing this mission "sanctifies putting
Haiti under the trusteeship of the OAS, which we know is the Ministry of
Colonial Affairs of the United States," warned Ben Dupuy, secretary
general of the National Popular Party (PPN) in a Mar. 25 press conference
in Port-au-Prince.
The accord gives the OAS mission the right to enter any premises, private
or governmental, anywhere in the country, to scrutinize and copy any archive
or database, to interrogate any individual, and to establish its own radio
network to maintain "permanent contact" with its Washington, DC
headquarters. Meanwhile, the mission's property and documents remain "inviolable"
and its members "immune to any judicial proceeding." In short, the
accord gives the OAS "supreme authority" in the country, Dupuy noted.
Willy Romélus, the archbishop of Jérémie, also
warned that the mission "should stay within its limits, not overstep
its limits." Unfortunately, the accord does not really set any
limits on the mission, either in terms of functioning, size, or objective.
The mission is eagerly awaited by the Democratic Convergence (CD), the
Washington-backed front of 15 tiny opposition parties. In preparation for
its arrival, the CD held a show of force on Mar. 22 at its headquarters
at Pont Morin in the capital. For the epithet-laden rally (one speaker
called Aristide's new ministers "18 rolls of toilet paper"), the
CD mustered less than 500 participants, despite media fanfare, the attendance
of several foreign diplomats, and a huge police deployment to guard the
event. Aristide even convinced the Sept. 30 Foundation to cancel its counter-demonstration
outside the meeting, according to that group's spokesman, Pierre Lovinsky.
Signs are that the Haitian government is also trying to put its house
in order to receive its OAS "guests." On Mar. 23, Haitian police
arrested Ronald Camille, known ominously as Ronald Cadavre, the notorious
leader of a popular organization based in the capital's La Saline slum.
A warrant for Cadavre's arrest had been issued after he publicly shot to
death another pro-Lavalas popular organization activist, Fritzner "Bobo"
Jean, in front of the Parliament on Sep. 10, 2001. But the police had never
acted on it, and Cadavre brazenly circulated around town. Police picked
up Cadavre near the airport where he had gone to see Aristide depart to
the UN Conference in Monterrey, Mexico. Several opposition leaders called
his arrest "a good sign."
New Justice Minister Jean Baptiste Brown also said that he would lobby
Aristide to reinstall Judge Claudy Gassant, the recently deposed magistrate
who for 18 months was investigating the Apr. 3, 2000 murder of journalist
Jean Dominique and his guardian Jean-Claude Louissaint. "The police
force is sick, the justice system is sick," Brown said in an interview
with Radio Haïti Inter, the station Dominique founded. "While respecting
the law, we will do what has to be done for things to advance." The
words are nice but have been heard from Brown's predecessors in recent
years.
New Prime Minister Yvon Neptune, the number two of Aristide's Lavalas
Family party (FL), is also continuing neoliberal measures set in place
and in motion by his predecessor and Aristide. Last week he convened a
meeting of the Council for the Modernization of the Public Enterprises
(CMEP), the body charged with privatizing Haiti's state enterprises. The
CMEP has already sold off Haiti's cement factory and flour mill and has
its sights set on the electric utility and telephone company.
Meanwhile in the Northeast, peasant organizations report that the Haitian
government has begun surveying 50 to 80 hectares of land for "free trade
zones" near the Dominican border on the Maribaou plain, which comprises
80% of the irrigated land in that barren region, according to the Alterpresse
press service. Agronomists and peasants protest the "free trade zone" plan
and their lack of consultation, and argue that the region would be better
used to grow food for hungry Haiti. "When the moment comes for the assembly
factories to migrate to a more favorable climate, what will we be able
to do with all that concrete, the peasants ask," reads the Alterpresse
report.
"All this is being done without ever consulting the people, in violation
of the supposedly Lavalas principles of transparency and of defending national
resources," Ben Dupuy said. He noted that the CD leaders, like their
FL counterparts, have no problem with Washington's neoliberal plan and
have never denounced the "free trade zones" project which Aristide agreed
to when visiting the Dominican Republic late last year. "Now we are
suddenly hearing about free trade zones and a Hispaniola Project, which
is just a scheme of the Dominican government to reduce the Dominican Republic's
astronomical debt of almost $7 billion" by investing debt interest
payments into building 14 free trade zones along the Haitian/Dominican
border for U.S. businesses to use cheap Haitian labor. The arrangement
has been strongly pushed by the U.S. State Department in recent years.
Dupuy chastised Aristide for "running over to the Dominican Republic
to sign the Hispaniola Project, which is the opposite of everything he
used to mobilize the people."
Holy-Land Absurdity
Run, Yasser, run, they urge
The eyes of this cold world
Filled with hypocrisy
Are watching every step.
They deem the race is yours to win
With amputated legs
Since before you were too slow
On the slippery racetrack
Of sterile diplomacy
Holy-Land style.
You alone are required
To catch the peace mirage
And to make it reality.
Fly, Yasser, fly, they urge.
Fly as all good doves do.
Fly to carry your olive branch
To where no one awaits.
Fly faster as the hawks
Keep plucking feathers
Off your aging wings.
They deem that you should fly faster
With broken wings
And the wind blowing
Against your chest.
Dance, Yasser, dance
Tango Palestino.
It takes two to tango,
But you've been left alone
To dance like a champion
With your own shadow
Since your genuine partner
Was fatally swept off the floor
Never to return.
They deem you should tango alone
And win the highest prize
With both arms tied behind your back.
Dance in pain, dance in blood.
Dance barefoot on a carpet of nails.
Tango alone to win the prize
To be enjoyed by all
Except your own children.
Michel Sanon |